Web Magazine

Centenary of an Assassination

Each night I dreamt one and the same dream: I was an anarchist, wrestling with the police.[1]

Gavrilo Princip, a member of Mlada Bosna (Young Bosnia), talking about the time just before the Sarajevo assassination

We live in an era of the onslaught of the ruling class conducted at all fronts, hence no wonder it is so easy to detect tendencies toward criminal reinterpretation of historical events, accompanied by revisions of history fashioned on the day-to-day necessities of bourgeois politics. Anniversaries, along with other commemorative festivities organised around various events of history, are such occasions when we can percieve this dark tendency inherent to the system in the most blatant of ways; these are the situations in which the ideology of the ruling class crystalises. Marking the centenary of the assassination of the archduke Franz Ferdinand, the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, and, shortly afterwards, the beginning of the WWI, are particularly revealing examples in this sense.

Without a proper understanding of the historical context. it is not possible to grasp the events that took place a hundred years ago, just as this understanding is not possible in the case of Ferdinand’s assassination without a proper understanding of the specifically Yugoslav character of this context. The error one should avoid in the most careful manner, if one aims at scientifically tackling the matter of analysis of historical happenings, consists in projecting one’s own views and values on the past and making faulty analogies with contemporary events. Unfortunately, today we witness precisely this type of proceeding, infused with a large quantity of forgery and unverified information, day-to-day juggling with the facts of history, tentative recuperations of the attitudes of revolutionaries and their inclusion into the context of Serbian nationalism by the current regime in Serbia and also of the racist stance on the part of some Western European intellectuals and institutions, not forgetting indeed the bizarre coining of non-existant links with events from the recent wars in the Balkans. One should keep in mind that nationalism, as a new phenomenon, was rather amorphous throughout this period and that national, confessional, as well as political notions, which were supposed to be opposed each to other, in fact, coexisted and only at the moments when diverse affinities engaged in overt conflict in the minds of the people the issue of choice between these emerged.[2] This also stands for the movement of the Yugoslav revolutionary and national youth prior to 1914. Undoubtedly, having as their primary focus the position of the unification of South Slavs, the ideas of social justice, federalism, anti-clericalism, anti-parliamentarianism, and anarchism also played a notable role in forming the awareness of younger generations in Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Hercegovina, which were then ruled by the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.

Rocker's Influence on Jewish Workers

The following article was published in 1973.

For his 100th Birthday

By Arne Thorne

Since Rudolf Rocker's birth on March 25, 1873 in the old city of Mainz on the Rhine river, until today, the world has changed tremendously. It's no exaggeration to say that the political, social and scientific changes and turnovers during the past 100 years have altered this epoch more efficiently than the social development of 2000 years since the foundation of Rocker's home town in ancient Roman times.

There have been turnovers in Rocker's life too. The family he was born in was Christian and his mother was faithfully Catholic. Rocker became an orphan at a very young age. His conscious life began in a Catholic, military-like orphanage, where he received his elementary education and where his rebellious nature collided more than one time with his sadistic overseer, who brutally ruled over the children. In this prison-like orphanage he developed his stubborn nature. It was a similar situation like when he, a bitter enemy of the German Kaiser and all Prussian nobleman, got imprisoned in an English concentration camp during the First World War. For the English militarists, Rocker had the same sympathy as for his "own" war mongers. In their great wisdom they thought Rocker would support the German Kaiser although Rocker had agitated against war in his anti-militarist articles long before it begun.

Under the influence of his uncle, Rocker turned out to be a bookbinder and socialist at the age of 15. But three years later he became an anarchist. Before he reached 20, he needed to flee from the German police into another country because he committed the crime of anarchist propaganda, which was forbidden in Kaiser Wilhelm's country at that time.. He left Mainz directly from his workplace where the police tried to catch him and went to Paris in 1893. There he met Jewish anarchist workers for the first time in his life.

IWA External Bulletin 7

In this issue you can read news about the strike made by comrades in Dresden, about direct actions in an employment agency made by ZSP and many other actions made by the Sections of the IWA. Download it and share with friends!

Editorial

As the screws tighten on workers' movements and social protests, we are witness to an increased repression. People who have taken part in protests and strikes are being arrested and otherwise repressed. Comrades from Spain were arrested in various actions, comrades in Brazil face jail sentences and being declared an „illegal union”. At the same time, many comrades face dismissals and lawsuits for their workplace actions. Comrades in San Carlo hospital have lost a ridiculous suit by administrators and face heavy sanctions. Likewise comrades from ZSP must fight in court against a hospital administrator accused of sexually harrassing some workers.

In this time of repression and increased mobilization of the capitalists against workers' rights, we must remember that solidarity is our greatest weapon!

In this issue of the IWA Bulletin, you can read about some of the cases of repression against our comrades. There are also reports of various struggles which our Sections are involved in.

The comrades in Dresden have gone on strike to protest dismissals at the Trotzdem Bar, where they formed a union. Comrades in Poland are involved in organizing agency workers and a boycott of one supermarket chain. In Spain, the comrades of CNT continue the actions against Santander Bank and call for a new International Day of Action on March 6.

These are just some of the things you can read about in this issue of the External Bulletin. We hope you enjoy!

IWA General Secretary

General Principles and Means of Struggle of the Continental Workers' Association of the Americas, IWA-AIT [La Asociation Continental Americana de los Trabajadores, ACAT]

This is an excerpt from the declarations of the American Continental Association of Workers IWA-AIT from 1929. It consists of the principles and tactics adopted by the constitutive organizations drawn from Latin America at that time, and is translated into English with an introduction by the translator, SN Nappalos.

Preface and Background by the translator

The Continental Workers' Association of the Americas is a continental organization of the IWA-AIT in the Americas that was convened by the FORA (Federacion Obrera Regional de Argentina, the argentine anarchist communist workers organization) before the dictatorship wave that was spreading across the Southern Cone suppressed the abilities of many such organizations to coordinate internationally. Beginning in 1920, the FORA rose the intention of such a coordination in its congress. It wasn’t until the middle of the decade that steps were taken in that direction. In 1925 the CGT (Confederacion General de Trabajadores, an anarchosyndicalist organization) of Mexico organized a first portion of the meetings in Panama, followed by a second part in Buenos Aires in 1927 organized by the FORA. Both were unable to cohere sufficient energy and momentum to organize such a large task. Later in 1927, the Federal Council and Secretary of International Relations of the FORA began preparations for the continental congress.

In May of 1929, the congress was organized and passed a document, which has been excerpted and translated into English perhaps for the first time below. Rudolph Rocker reported on the proceedings briefly in his text, Anarchosyndicalism: in theory and practice.

A CGT portuguesa e a fundação da Associação Internacional dos Trabalhadores

Os anarco-sindicalistas e sindicalistas revolucionários [1] portugueses foram, desde a primeira hora, defensores da criação de uma Internacional do sindicalismo revolucionário, um desejo que se viria a concretizar no Congresso de Berlim, realizado entre os dias 25 de Dezembro de 1922 e 2 de Janeiro de 1923, que criou a Associação Internacional dos Trabalhadores (AIT).

O 6-cio godzinny dzień pracy - Rezolucja Kongresu M.S.P.

Rezolucja Międzynarodowego Stowarzyszenia Pracowników (IWA - AIT) z 1928 roku wydrukowana w piśmie Anarchistycznej Federacji Polski.

Kongres stwierdza, że bezrobocie przybiera coraz bardziej charakter ostry i chroniczny, że proletariat całego świata pada jego ofiarą i że przyczyny jego są następujące:

1. Rozwój maszynizmu.
2. Stały wzrost liczebny proletariatu, wzrost wynikający z coraz częstszego używania siły roboczej kobiet i z napływu do pracy w przemyśle elementów dotychczas pracujących na roli.
3. Wprowadzenie nowych metod wytwórczości w przemyśle, metod, których skutkiem jest znacznie większa szybkość produkcji.
4. Niskie płace, które nie dają robotnikom możności kupowania, a przez to zmniejszanie ilości kupujących – zmniejszenie popytu na rynkach.

Kongres stwierdza, że udoskonalenie i rozwój maszynizmu, który mógłby ulżyć losowi robotników, służyły dotychczas wyłącznie interesom kapitalistów. Wypowiadając się bezwzględnie za postępem we wszelkiej formie, Kongres oświadcza, że postęp nie powinien w żadnym wypadku odbyć się kosztem wzrostu wyzysku.

Co do nowych metod wytwórczości znanych pod nazwą racjonalizacji, Kongres przestudiowawszy tę kwestię doszedł do wniosku, że ta forma pracy krzywdzi godność ludzką, jest szkodliwą dla zdrowia robotników i jest najpoważniejszą przyczyną bezrobocia.

ФОРА в Аргентине между двумя мировыми войнами

В Аргентине в создании первых рабочих организаций принимали участие Малатеста и другие видные анархисты. В 1901 г. возникла общенациональная рабочая федерация (с 1904 г. - Аргентинская региональная рабочая федерация - ФОРА). Уже через год после создания из нее ушли социал-демократы, а в 1905 г. конгресс ФОРА рекомендовал всем своим членам пропагандировать среди рабочих «экономические и философские принципы анархистского коммунизма».
Тем самым аргентинская организация трудящихся отвергла не только концепцию «самодостаточности» синдикализма, но и идею «нейтральных» профсоюзов (как французских революционных синдикалистов, так и Малатесты). ФОРА организовала ряд всеобщих забастовок и стачку квартиросъемщиков (1907 г.)[1]. «Надо сказать, что анархистское движение здесь - единственное во всем мире, - писал в 1907 г. один из корреспондентов европейских либертарных газет, - поскольку здесь почти все рабочие - анархисты»[2].

Anarquismo y sindicalismo

Un filósofo dijo una vez que quien no estudia la historia está condenado a repetir sus errores. La cuestión está en buscar qué pudo hacerse mal, o no bien del todo, en el pasado. Esto puede darnos la posibilidad de no repetir errores en el presente y en el futuro.

Por supuesto, seria poco razonable y pretencioso dar lecciones a los compañeros de paises que estan a miles de kilómetros del nuestro, con otras circunstancias y con unas condiciones de lucha social y laboral muy diferentes. Pero cuando miro al pasado de la historia del movimiento anarcosindicalista en España, no sólo veo victorias estupendas y la gran revolución, sino también ciertos problemas internos. Y esos problemas permanecen de igual forma durante toda la historia de la heroica CNT.
Los intentos de usurpación bolchevique a principios de los años 20; las discusiones permanentes sobre la participación politica, el colaboracionismo de Pestaña y Peiró con politicos de la oposición en la lucha contra la dictadura de Primo de Rivera, el trentismo, el rechazo en Julio de 1936 al concepto confederal del comunismo libertario del Congreso de Zaragoza, el ministerialismo de la Guerra Civil, el frente común de posturas ‘internas’ con posturas autoritarias en la lucha contra Franco de los años 40 y 50, el cincopuntismo, la infiltración masiva de los reformistas y finalmente la escisión que llevó a la creacion de la CGT, hasta los actuales problemas con los heterodoxos y los intentos de expulsión de la Confederación de sus críticos mas activos…

Der 8-Stunden Tag, die Anarchisten und die IWPA: Haymarket und die Radikalisierung der arbeitsrechtlichen Forderungen in den 1880er Jahren

Seit langen schon ist der 1. Mai ein Urlaubstag an dem Sozialdemokraten und die etablierten Gewerkschaften sich in der Öffentlichkeit zeigen und an den Kampf für den 8-Stunden Tag erinnern. Vielleicht ist es zu dieser Gelegenheit einmal interessant zurück zu schauen und einige der Unterschiede zur damaligen US amerikanischen Arbeiterbewegung zu betrachten. Das mag uns zu verstehen helfen, dass die Haymarket-Anarchisten andere Gedanken im Sinn hatten als die sozialdemokratischen Arbeiterführer heute.

Die Forderung nach dem 8-Stunden Tag existiert seit Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts. In den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika wurde die Forderung nach einem 8-Stunden Tag nach einem Generalstreik in Philadelphia im Jahr 1835 erhoben. Dort wurden 10 Stunden minus zwei Stunden für Mahlzeiten eingefordert. Verschiedene Sektoren gelang es den 8-Stunden Tag durch Streiks und Agitation durchzusetzen. In einigen Staaten wurden der 8-Stunden Tag gesetzlich anerkannt. Interessanterweise fand die Hauptschlacht um den 8-Stunden Tag in Chicago statt. Der Staat Illinois hatte im Jahr 1867 den 8-Stunden Tag gesetzlich verabschiedet, doch das Gesetz hatte viele Schlupflöcher und war ineffektiv.

The 8 Hour Day, the Anarchists and the IWPA: Haymarket and the Radicalization of Labour Demands in the 1880s

May Day has long been a holiday where social democrats and establishment unions show themselves and remember the struggle for the 8-hour day. On this occasion, it is perhaps interesting to look back at some of the differences in the labor movement in the US in the 1880s. It can help us to understand that what the Haymarket anarchists had in mind was nothing like the social democracy that current labor leaders espouse.

Demands for an 8-hour day had been made since the beginning of the 19th century. In the United States, the 8-hour day became a regular demand after a general strike in Philadelphia in 1835, calling for 10 hours a day, minus 2 hours for meals. Different sectors of workers achieved the 8-hour day through strike action and agitation. Some legislation even passed for some states or categories of workers. It is interesting that the main battle for the 8-hour day became Chicago. The state of Illinois had passed legislation for the 8-hour day in 1867, but it had many loopholes and was ineffective.

The 8-hour day was a demand that was taken up by unions of different political leanings. The IWMA (First International) at its Congress in 1866, put forward this demand. The IWMA had influence amongst the German-speaking immigrant anarchist and socialist workers of Chicago, who later became a driving force in the labor movement. After the IWMA disbanded, the International Working People's Association was founded in 1881 by anarchists and a large and influential group appeared in Chicago

International Workers Association

Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores